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25.5.09
24.5.09
School Discipline : Scottish Parliament speech 7 May 2009
I am not sure that I can follow Ian McKee's speech.
I think that I would be ill advised even to attempt to do so.
Dr McKee's last points were significant, although it is unfortunate that he dwelt on a false debate at the beginning of his speech, which I do not think anybody really wants to talk about.
The challenge for him is to square his view with what the SNP is doing in our local communities, and to understand the wider social issues.
I should declare an interest: I am a parent of children in late primary and early secondary school; I was a behaviour support teacher who, in an education support base, and as part of a broader team, latterly worked with youngsters to hold them in mainstream education; and I am someone who seeks to represent the views of constituents, such as youngsters who are bullied or intimidated in schools or who are struggling because they have not got the appropriate support in school.
I was concerned by what appeared to be the minister's tone of complacency.
Indiscipline is not just a problem now—it has always been with us—but the test for the Government is whether what it does makes the problem better or worse.
I contend that, at the moment, the Government is making it worse.
I find it frustrating that when we talk about school discipline, we want to separate it off and put it in a policy box away from the broader issues.
We talk about knife crime in schools, but it is disturbing that the Government is rolling back more broadly its policy on knives and the retail of knives.
We cannot separate those issues.
We ought not to talk about indiscipline in schools as if it were one issue.
There are issues to do with the appropriateness of the curriculum for some youngsters, and there is an issue around parents who mollycoddle their children so that the children go to school never having been told, "No."
That difficulty, which is not specific to poor communities, must be challenged.
Some children who come to school are living in the most chaotic circumstances.
We do not know—and neither does the Government, as it has not sought to find out—how many children are living with parents who have an addiction.
Do we imagine that those children, who have to learn to be resilient within their homes, somehow come to school able to stay calm and cope with what is demanded of them?
I ask the Conservatives to reflect on the fact that for those youngsters, school is sometimes the only security that they have, and the most remarkable journey that they make every day is to get themselves to school.
We should be hesitant about saying that we simply expect those children to learn somewhere else.
We should perhaps have to take them out of the classroom, but not necessarily out of the building.
Do we imagine that for certain young people, being on the fringes of a young male gang culture in our communities does not impact on what they do when they go to school?
I am troubled by the Government's approach to antisocial behaviour.
It somehow thinks that getting rid of antisocial behaviour orders for young people is a positive thing, when in fact those orders are about engagement and challenging young people about their behaviour at an early stage.
Some of what is happening in schools reflects the broader concerns.
We must ensure that our schools are confident enough to deal with poor behaviour, but we must also consider the causes of such misbehaviour and address it accordingly.
In the past, when young people from poor communities misbehaved, people shrugged their shoulders, tolerated it and said, "So be it."
That is unacceptable: those young people deserve to have us challenge their behaviour, and we must recognise the importance of early intervention, early parental involvement and engagement beyond the school.
We need to challenge the children's hearings system, the social work system and others to work with schools in addressing those difficult problems.
The Government must confront some of the consequences of its own actions.
The council tax freeze, which is a squeeze on funding, means the end of behaviour support, so that children who should be included in mainstream education are denied the support that allows that to happen.
There is a focus on bringing down class size numbers in primaries 1, 2 and 3, while our young boys are falling out of the education system in the first and second years of secondary school—and the numbers are going up as a consequence of that focus.
There is a freeze on recruitment and an increase in the use of supply teachers in our secondary schools, which makes life uncertain for young people, stops the continuity of their learning and has an impact on behaviour.
The direction project in my constituency, which in the past was supported by youth crime prevention moneys, is now ending its support for five to 12-year-olds because of funding decisions by the Scottish Government, which will have consequences for the ability of those youngsters to sustain a mainstream education and will impact on the quality of learning for young people who desperately need an education.
There has been a reduction in breakfast clubs, which have nothing to do with eating and everything to do with supporting children in the transition from their homes to school.
School and education involve tackling indiscipline, but the broader social programme of funding and resources that the Government provides for communities is critical to addressing the problem inside and outside our schools.
I think that I would be ill advised even to attempt to do so.
Dr McKee's last points were significant, although it is unfortunate that he dwelt on a false debate at the beginning of his speech, which I do not think anybody really wants to talk about.
The challenge for him is to square his view with what the SNP is doing in our local communities, and to understand the wider social issues.
I should declare an interest: I am a parent of children in late primary and early secondary school; I was a behaviour support teacher who, in an education support base, and as part of a broader team, latterly worked with youngsters to hold them in mainstream education; and I am someone who seeks to represent the views of constituents, such as youngsters who are bullied or intimidated in schools or who are struggling because they have not got the appropriate support in school.
I was concerned by what appeared to be the minister's tone of complacency.
Indiscipline is not just a problem now—it has always been with us—but the test for the Government is whether what it does makes the problem better or worse.
I contend that, at the moment, the Government is making it worse.
I find it frustrating that when we talk about school discipline, we want to separate it off and put it in a policy box away from the broader issues.
We talk about knife crime in schools, but it is disturbing that the Government is rolling back more broadly its policy on knives and the retail of knives.
We cannot separate those issues.
We ought not to talk about indiscipline in schools as if it were one issue.
There are issues to do with the appropriateness of the curriculum for some youngsters, and there is an issue around parents who mollycoddle their children so that the children go to school never having been told, "No."
That difficulty, which is not specific to poor communities, must be challenged.
Some children who come to school are living in the most chaotic circumstances.
We do not know—and neither does the Government, as it has not sought to find out—how many children are living with parents who have an addiction.
Do we imagine that those children, who have to learn to be resilient within their homes, somehow come to school able to stay calm and cope with what is demanded of them?
I ask the Conservatives to reflect on the fact that for those youngsters, school is sometimes the only security that they have, and the most remarkable journey that they make every day is to get themselves to school.
We should be hesitant about saying that we simply expect those children to learn somewhere else.
We should perhaps have to take them out of the classroom, but not necessarily out of the building.
Do we imagine that for certain young people, being on the fringes of a young male gang culture in our communities does not impact on what they do when they go to school?
I am troubled by the Government's approach to antisocial behaviour.
It somehow thinks that getting rid of antisocial behaviour orders for young people is a positive thing, when in fact those orders are about engagement and challenging young people about their behaviour at an early stage.
Some of what is happening in schools reflects the broader concerns.
We must ensure that our schools are confident enough to deal with poor behaviour, but we must also consider the causes of such misbehaviour and address it accordingly.
In the past, when young people from poor communities misbehaved, people shrugged their shoulders, tolerated it and said, "So be it."
That is unacceptable: those young people deserve to have us challenge their behaviour, and we must recognise the importance of early intervention, early parental involvement and engagement beyond the school.
We need to challenge the children's hearings system, the social work system and others to work with schools in addressing those difficult problems.
The Government must confront some of the consequences of its own actions.
The council tax freeze, which is a squeeze on funding, means the end of behaviour support, so that children who should be included in mainstream education are denied the support that allows that to happen.
There is a focus on bringing down class size numbers in primaries 1, 2 and 3, while our young boys are falling out of the education system in the first and second years of secondary school—and the numbers are going up as a consequence of that focus.
There is a freeze on recruitment and an increase in the use of supply teachers in our secondary schools, which makes life uncertain for young people, stops the continuity of their learning and has an impact on behaviour.
The direction project in my constituency, which in the past was supported by youth crime prevention moneys, is now ending its support for five to 12-year-olds because of funding decisions by the Scottish Government, which will have consequences for the ability of those youngsters to sustain a mainstream education and will impact on the quality of learning for young people who desperately need an education.
There has been a reduction in breakfast clubs, which have nothing to do with eating and everything to do with supporting children in the transition from their homes to school.
School and education involve tackling indiscipline, but the broader social programme of funding and resources that the Government provides for communities is critical to addressing the problem inside and outside our schools.
8.5.09
2.5.09
25.4.09
16.4.09
9.4.09
Supporting Economic recovery : Scottish Parliament speech 26 March 2009
I welcome the opportunity to participate in this important debate.
There is a danger of a little occupational segregation among MSPs in economy debates, with only men contributing to debates on big issues such as the economy while we reflect on social issues elsewhere.
In my speech, I will try to bring the two aspects together.
It is essential to understand the impact of the global economic crisis not just in general terms but in particular terms and for particular groups
The cabinet secretary reflected on that, but he spoke generally about the economy and did not address particular groups' needs.
I will explore with the Scottish Government what its six-point plan and other approaches do to understand needs and impacts and to address them properly.
As John Park said, public procurement alone amounts to £8 billion.
It is right to ask not only how that money is being disbursed but how it can be used to lever in social and economic benefits for the people of Scotland.
We should not separate out that issue, which provides an example of how we can shift from general aspiration to making a difference to individuals, families and communities.
Concerns are already felt about the Scottish Government's willingness or capacity to address equality in its spending. Equality groups have flagged up their concerns about the lack of transparency in the budget and the step back from the progress that had been made on interrogating budgets on the basis of equality.
Ministers have deprioritised equality in the development of single outcome agreements.
This morning, I searched the Scottish Government's website for an updated position, since May 2007, on women and employment, disability and employment, and employability.
My search was fruitless, which is a concern because it suggests that the Government is not reflecting on those critical elements in economic recovery.
In these unpredictable and unprecedented times, I do not set the Government the task of solving everything, but we must ask one question: are the Government's actions making things better or worse?
The first part of Rob Gibson's speech was deeply depressing because the Parliament has put in place opportunities to ensure that the general develops into the particular and to make a difference.
I am concerned that, if the imbalance in need and the disproportionate impact are not understood, the opportunities to protect and support people will be lost.
In that regard, the Scottish Government will make things worse and not better.
In the remaining time, I will flag up some issues.
Low pay remains an important issue for women—16 per cent of men and 29 per cent of women are in low-paid jobs. What does our economic strategy say about that?
On addressing vulnerability to unemployment and redundancy, what is being said about the fact that women are more likely to work part time?
As for occupational segregation, the service industries have been hit more in the recession, and 19.5 per cent of women but only 4 per cent of men are in administrative and secretarial jobs.
There is also segregation within sectors.
In retail, women make up two thirds of the workforce, but still more men are in full-time retail posts.
Women are concentrated in part-time, low-paid jobs and men in management posts.
What is the strategy on the occupational segregation that faces black and ethnic minority communities?
What is being done to address the challenge that people who live in poverty face in securing work when fewer jobs are available?
What is being done to address the scandalous levels of unemployment among people with disabilities?
It is essential that the Government focus on that.
The Government announced an apprenticeship summit, but it was silent on equal access to training.
I challenge it on that: who will be invited to the summit?
I hope that the minister will respond and reflect on what equality groups need to be at the summit to address equal access to training, which must be a key part of the agenda.
The policy of concentrating adult modern apprenticeships in particular sectors has had the consequence of directing moneys away from the sectors in which groups such as women are found.
We cannot leave it to the market to find modern apprenticeships for women while Government moneys are concentrated on construction, engineering and life sciences.
The update on the skills strategy is silent on diversity in need, and it is critical that the Scottish Government should speak on that.
What is being done to continue an employability strategy?
I regret the ending of Scottish Enterprise's role in that, as I remember intermediate labour market initiatives in my constituency that took women who were unemployed, trained them in child care, provided child care, and offered a bridge into employment.
Those initiatives have now gone but must feature once again in the Government's employment strategy.
What is being done to match the package of £42.5 million that has been made available in the rest of the United Kingdom to support the voluntary sector through recession?
The minister often talks about the amount of money in the voluntary sector, but what is he doing to address the impact of recession?
It is regrettable that organisations such as Community Service Volunteers Scotland have to cut back their services when the voluntary sector and volunteering can give people critical skills to face the recession.
Tackling disadvantage is not only for when the sun shines; it is an integral part of economic recovery.
It does not get headlines, but it passes a more important test: it addresses needs and strengthens economic opportunities.
I urge the Scottish Government to recognise that fact in its apprenticeship summit, skills strategy and spending decisions.
There is a danger of a little occupational segregation among MSPs in economy debates, with only men contributing to debates on big issues such as the economy while we reflect on social issues elsewhere.
In my speech, I will try to bring the two aspects together.
It is essential to understand the impact of the global economic crisis not just in general terms but in particular terms and for particular groups
The cabinet secretary reflected on that, but he spoke generally about the economy and did not address particular groups' needs.
I will explore with the Scottish Government what its six-point plan and other approaches do to understand needs and impacts and to address them properly.
As John Park said, public procurement alone amounts to £8 billion.
It is right to ask not only how that money is being disbursed but how it can be used to lever in social and economic benefits for the people of Scotland.
We should not separate out that issue, which provides an example of how we can shift from general aspiration to making a difference to individuals, families and communities.
Concerns are already felt about the Scottish Government's willingness or capacity to address equality in its spending. Equality groups have flagged up their concerns about the lack of transparency in the budget and the step back from the progress that had been made on interrogating budgets on the basis of equality.
Ministers have deprioritised equality in the development of single outcome agreements.
This morning, I searched the Scottish Government's website for an updated position, since May 2007, on women and employment, disability and employment, and employability.
My search was fruitless, which is a concern because it suggests that the Government is not reflecting on those critical elements in economic recovery.
In these unpredictable and unprecedented times, I do not set the Government the task of solving everything, but we must ask one question: are the Government's actions making things better or worse?
The first part of Rob Gibson's speech was deeply depressing because the Parliament has put in place opportunities to ensure that the general develops into the particular and to make a difference.
I am concerned that, if the imbalance in need and the disproportionate impact are not understood, the opportunities to protect and support people will be lost.
In that regard, the Scottish Government will make things worse and not better.
In the remaining time, I will flag up some issues.
Low pay remains an important issue for women—16 per cent of men and 29 per cent of women are in low-paid jobs. What does our economic strategy say about that?
On addressing vulnerability to unemployment and redundancy, what is being said about the fact that women are more likely to work part time?
As for occupational segregation, the service industries have been hit more in the recession, and 19.5 per cent of women but only 4 per cent of men are in administrative and secretarial jobs.
There is also segregation within sectors.
In retail, women make up two thirds of the workforce, but still more men are in full-time retail posts.
Women are concentrated in part-time, low-paid jobs and men in management posts.
What is the strategy on the occupational segregation that faces black and ethnic minority communities?
What is being done to address the challenge that people who live in poverty face in securing work when fewer jobs are available?
What is being done to address the scandalous levels of unemployment among people with disabilities?
It is essential that the Government focus on that.
The Government announced an apprenticeship summit, but it was silent on equal access to training.
I challenge it on that: who will be invited to the summit?
I hope that the minister will respond and reflect on what equality groups need to be at the summit to address equal access to training, which must be a key part of the agenda.
The policy of concentrating adult modern apprenticeships in particular sectors has had the consequence of directing moneys away from the sectors in which groups such as women are found.
We cannot leave it to the market to find modern apprenticeships for women while Government moneys are concentrated on construction, engineering and life sciences.
The update on the skills strategy is silent on diversity in need, and it is critical that the Scottish Government should speak on that.
What is being done to continue an employability strategy?
I regret the ending of Scottish Enterprise's role in that, as I remember intermediate labour market initiatives in my constituency that took women who were unemployed, trained them in child care, provided child care, and offered a bridge into employment.
Those initiatives have now gone but must feature once again in the Government's employment strategy.
What is being done to match the package of £42.5 million that has been made available in the rest of the United Kingdom to support the voluntary sector through recession?
The minister often talks about the amount of money in the voluntary sector, but what is he doing to address the impact of recession?
It is regrettable that organisations such as Community Service Volunteers Scotland have to cut back their services when the voluntary sector and volunteering can give people critical skills to face the recession.
Tackling disadvantage is not only for when the sun shines; it is an integral part of economic recovery.
It does not get headlines, but it passes a more important test: it addresses needs and strengthens economic opportunities.
I urge the Scottish Government to recognise that fact in its apprenticeship summit, skills strategy and spending decisions.
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